or prema tarely to treat Southern Chian as an independent
state.
226
Respect for international law forbids the first;
respect for Chinese self-determination forbids the second.
5. But while diplomatically discussing these problems with
Canton, things have not been going well in regions over which
the Cantonese Government claim supremacy; and it may well
be, as many think, that injury to Great Britain rather than the
interests or the honour of China lie at the root of the policy
which Southern China is now pursuing.
They
6. However this may be, it seems fairly clear that if this
really were the object of those who control the southern
administration, they would do exactly what they are doing.
would make strong professions of their desire to maintain order
and protect foreigners, they would in fact leave matters to the
mob, knowing quite well that if foreigners, when attacked, were
left to protect themselves the very least that could happen would be "regrettable incidents," which could easily be used to
set all China in a blaze.
77.
In the face of such a calamity, the Treaty Powers would, so
far as I can see, be quite helpless, If the South were really
united, if they were led with even moderate efficiency, if they
had behind them the excited passions of a great people, it is
absurd to suppose that the scattered settlements and the not less
scattered policy of the Treaty Powers could offer any effective
resistance. The most they could be would be to shoot, in
self defence, a sufficient number of Chinaren to make the position
of foreigners in China practically impossible.
8
From all this I conclude that if the dominant policy of the South is at the moment dictated by the Soviets, they have got
the easiest game in the world to play. It would consist in each
case of three moves:
2.
3..
The promise to keep order.
The encouragement of an anti-foreign mob to commit
dis-order.
The presentation to the foreign authorities of
the alternatives of either resisting outrage by the shedding of blood, or the de facto surrender of
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